The Birdamlik homepage reports that
human rights advocates and Birdamlik members have been arrested or targeted in
some way by Uzbek Security Forces (SNB) since 2009.[1] The Uzbek Birdamlik leader in Uzbekistan (as
opposed to the official exiled leader Bakhodyr Choriev who resides in the USA)
Malokhat Eshankulova suspects she was poisoned by security agents. After drinking tea with her 20-year-old
daughter in March 2014, she fell seriously ill.
Eshankulova suspects that this was a planned poisoning in attempt to
silence her voice in political and social participation. In February 2014, in what appears to be a
similar case, activist Elena Urlayeva was reported to have been poisoned with a
nerve agent and committed for psychiatric therapy. In 2013, Inmojon Tursonov (a former Birdamlik
party deputy) was found dead, allegedly poisoned. In March 2014, Hasan Choriev (Bakhodyr
Choriev’s father) died shortly after his release from prison. Hasan Choriev was allegedly arrested in an
effort to intimidate Bakhodyr Choriev from leading Birdamlik any further.
While
the accusations of poisoning are difficult to verify, there is a palpable sense
of mistrust among the Birdamlik movement toward the Uzbek government and
security apparatus. Is it mere
coincidence that prominent or important opposition figures are intimidated or
arrested, after having received numerous commands to stop engaging in
collective or individual civil action?
In the same letter, Birdamlik appeals to the United States, Germany, and
France to support Birdamlik’s calls for independent medical investigations of
the suspected poisonings.
Border and other security officials
of Uzbekistan have also placed travel restrictions on opposition leaders, often
on what appears to be a selectively regional basis.[2] That it is to say that leaders or organizers
of Birdamlik throughout the oblasts of Uzbekistan are selectively denied
exit. For example, representatives are
said to have been denied exit on alleged suspicion of fraudulent or incorrect
visas or passports. What is interesting
is that these travel restrictions are being made a time when Uzbek opposition
organizers are seeking to meet abroad.
On April 26, 2014, Uzbek Birdamlik and other Central Asian activists
will meet in St. Louis, Missouri, with the reported intent of planning a “color
revolution” in Uzbekistan to be carried out in the near future. Considering the timing of these restrictions
on travel, it is fair to conclude that the government is concerned by movement
of known opposition figures and actively working to restrict their exit.
Of additional concern to the Uzbek
government is the vocal movement of separation within the Karakalpakstan
Autonomous Republic. For the past few years, the movement Alga Karakalpakstan (Forward Karakalpakstan!) has
reportedly called for separation from the state of Uzbekistan.[3] The movement asserts that the right of
Karakalpakstan to self-determination, as outlined in the Constitution of
Uzbekistan, has not been honored. Uzbek
security forces appear to be closely monitoring the travel of citizens from and
to Karakalpakstan, including subjecting citizens seeking the new biometric
passports to rigorous questioning. These questions include: Have you ever visited a mosque? Do you have family or acquaintances who
do? Do you have any information on the
whereabouts of wanted Karakalpak opposition members?[4] It appears that Uzbek security forces are
engaging in an extensive dragnet by utilizing the enforcement of the new
passport regime to monitor and apprehend any elements supportive of prohibited
opposition or separation.
Since December 2013, President
Karimov has spoken of the necessity for constitutional reform. In March and April 2014, both houses ofparliament approved constitutional amendments which President Karimov later
signed.[5] The bills included the
following provisions: requiring future candidates for prime minister to be
approved unanimously by all parties in the lower house, submission of the prime
minister to the authority of the cabinet of ministers, requiring the government
report annually to the Parliament on social and economic developments, and
other provisions. The bill appears to
strengthen the power and accountability to the legislature. For example, the government will now have the
authority to abolish specific departments and ministries. The previous authority of the president to
overrule deliberations of local legislators and authorities was removed in this
bill, establishing that the president will now only be able to overrule local
decisions if they appear to run contrary to existing legislation. To what extent this provision will be
honored, however, will yet be seen.
The legislation also grants
parliament the responsibility of overseeing the Central Electoral Commission
(CEC). Prior to this new legislation,
only parties legally recognized by the government have been allowed to
participate in elections. Theoretically,
if parliament so desired, more parties could be allowed to participate in the
upcoming parliamentary elections of 2014 and presidential elections of
2015. However, this would require the
currently illegal parties to be recognized by the parliament as having legal
status to participate.
1. Choriyev, Bakhodyr. March 28, 2014. http://birdamlik.info/ru/2014/03/28/%D0%BE%D0%B1%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%89%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B5/
2. Birdamlik homepage. April 15, 2014. http://birdamlik.info/ru/2014/04/15/%D0%BA%D1%83%D1%80%D1%83%D0%BB%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%B9-%D0%B1%D0%B8%D1%80%D0%B4%D0%B0%D0%BC%D0%BB%D0%B8%D0%BA%D0%B0-%D0%B2-%D1%81%D1%88%D0%B0-%D0%BA%D1%82%D0%BE-%D0%B4%D0%BE%D0%BB%D0%B5/
3. Uznews. April 11, 2014. http://www.uznews.net/ru/politics/25886-konstitucija-karakalpakstana-ili-svod-neobazatelnyh-pravil
4. People's Movement of Uzbekistan website. April 20, 2014. http://uzxalqharakati.com/ru/archives/7337
5. People's Movement of Uzbekistan website. April 24, 2014.
No comments:
Post a Comment