Ideological Factors in Human Trafficking

Ideological Factors in Human Trafficking                                                      

I would like to expand on an interesting, and previously unknown to me, facet that I mentioned last week in my broad overview of human trafficking in Central Asia. Sulaimanova mentions that many women lured into pursuing these risky opportunities that take them abroad, and ultimately trap them within a trafficking ring, had an “idealistic view of life in wealthier countries that encourages victims to be lured abroad” (Sulaimanova, 2004). Across the literature I have come across similar occurrences. Women struggling economically are looking for any opportunity to provide for themselves and their families, which already makes them highly vulnerable. This is further compounded by an inaccurate perception of wealthier countries as utopias where they can accept offered work as waitresses, dancers, models, etc. without fear of harassment or abuse.

It is crucial to remember that most victims are lured abroad by traffickers voluntarily, not kidnapped. I mentioned many of the methods used by traffickers in my last post. Victims saw an opportunity and they took it. Although most understand what is expected of certain professions, they do not understand the exploitation and violence that they will experience. An official from Inter-Pol Ukraine “estimated that 75 percent of the women do not realize they will be forced into prostitution” (Hughes, 2000). This reveals a significant percentage of women who do go abroad knowing that they will expected to be prostitutes. However, their expectations are still widely inaccurate. Several articles mention a woman who went abroad with the understanding she would prostitute, who went willingly because she thought it would be similar to the film “Pretty Woman” with a man supporting her (Hughes, 2000; Sulaimanova, 2004). The “romanticizing” of prostitution is not exclusive to Hollywood; the Russian media, TV, and film industry have portrayed the “carefree and prosperous” life of elite prostitutes in Moscow in the late 1980s in movies such as “Interdevochka” in 1989. The influence such exposure may have had was reflected in two public opinion polls conducted among girls in high school in 1989, where prostitution “made the top ten of the most prestigious and desirable professions” (Tverdova, 2011).

In Russia and Central Asia, the idealistic picture many of those in desperate economic situations have of these professions abroad is not only supported by movies, but also through tales told by those who have worked in those professions and returned. These second-hand accounts may be the only information potential victims receive if they are in areas that are educationally underserved and inadequately connected to the communication tools we rely on to check facts and obtain reliable information. Naturally, these stories are embellished and highly inaccurate. A method used by traffickers to recruit additional women is to send a “Second Wave” of previously trafficked women home to spread glamorous tales and entice new women abroad. Recruiting replacements is often the only option victims have of escaping traffickers, or victimized women see an opportunity to profit from the system that took advantage of them (Sulaimanova, 2004). An account exemplifying this was given by a Ukrainian woman recruited by a friend who had told her she would earn US$2,000 a month at a club in the Netherlands where prostitution was optional, which turned out to be far from the case (Hughes, 2000).

An additional aspect that should be taken into consideration are the sociological factors that can influence the susceptibility of women to trafficking. Their low social status in Central Asia has both obvious economic implications for women (increased job discrimination, lower relative income, and higher unemployment) and social implications. In the patriarchal societies of the region, domestic violence against women is an additional problem that pushes many young women to run away, and additionally, if they are pulled into a trafficking ring, being mistreated as an “inferior human being” only “confirms their worst fears” (Sulaimanova, 2004). Lower social status also carries with it the decreased likelihood of sympathy from the police or immigration officials that is compounded by complicity and corruption. Trafficked women in the region tend to distrust the authorities because they have been both prosecuted by them and witnessed their collusion with traffickers (Tverdova, 2011). Moreover, the predominantly Muslim societies within Central Asia view it “as almost taboo to openly discuss the trafficking of women for prostitution,” which aids stigmatization and discourages efforts at enforcement (Jackson, 2005).

All of these factors aid in the deception that is a key tool used by human traffickers to first locate potential victims, and then to persuade them to come abroad. Even if they are able to return home, victims are often shunned by family and friends not only because they are now seen as shameful, but also because many are accused of volunteering.  While many victims do enter into these schemes willingly, they do so under false pretenses.

Hughes, Donna M. 2000. “The “Natasha” Trade: The Transnational Shadow Market of Trafficking in Women.” Journal of International Affairs, Spring 2000. Available at: http://www.uri.edu/artsci/wms/hughes/natasha.htm

Jackson, Nicole J. 2005. “The Trafficking Of Narcotics, Arms and Humans in Postsoviet Central Asia: (Mis)Perceptions, Policies And Realities,” Central Asian Survey, 24:1, 39-52.

Sulaimanova, Saltanat. 2004. “Migration Trends in Central Asia and the Case of Trafficking of Women,” in In the Tracks of Tamerlane: Central Asia’s Path to the 21st Century, eds. Dan Burghart and Theresa Sabonis-Helf. Washington, D.C.: National Defense University, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, 377- 400. Available online

Tverdova, Yuliya. 2011. “Human Trafficking in Russia and Other Post-Soviet States.” Human Rights Review 12(3): 329-344.