Racioppi, Linda and Katherine O’Sullivan
See, eds. 2009. Gender Politics in Post-Communist Eurasia. East Lansing: Michigan
State University Press.
Linda Racioppi and Katherine
O’Sullivan See gather a diverse array of viewpoints from various authors on the
little discussed topic of gender politics in Eurasia. Given my focus on human
trafficking in Central Asia, this has been a very valuable work for my research
by providing me with a stronger understanding of the difficult and unique role
women have in an increasingly globalized but resiliently traditional
post-Communist society. Apart from the editors, nine authors provide their
individual perspectives on the topic, and I will go through and provide a brief
annotation for each to give a general understanding of each author’s argument.
First, the
editors Racioppi and See introduce the issue by emphasizing the dramatic change
that occurred following the collapse of the Soviet Union that altered not only
the economic and political landscape, but the social as well. There is a broad
consensus that the status of women has deteriorated significantly since the
fall of Communism. Other arguments aside, the Communist system made a
noticeable push for gender equality. While certainly not realized, the
importance of this effort has been made more noticeable by the lack of gender equality
initiatives by former Soviet states.
Barabara
Einhorn takes this issue further by elaborating on the consequences the lack of
gender equality has created in Eurasia. A state cannot claim to be socially
just if half of their society does not enjoy the rights of the other half. Both
opportunities and difficulties have been created by globalization, and greater
exposure to the West. The values and rights espoused by the West has encouraged
a change in perspective in Eurasia. However, while Eurasian leaders have often
publicly embraced these ideals, in reality little progress has been achieved,
it could be argued that the situation has even digressed. Many of the nascent
economies of the former Soviet Union have eagerly sought greater economic ties
with Europe in order to reap the financial benefits for the economy, but there
is certainly a noticeable lack of enthusiasm for comprehensive social reform.
Elites in the region are content, and are often able to temporarily satisfy
their international critics, by espousing free market ideals and economic
reforms, and paying lip service to implementing measures for greater equality,
when in fact little is tried or accomplished. Instead, economic benefits are
realized and social demands ignored.
Amanda
Sloat emphasizes the double standard that was present across the Communist
countries of Eastern Europe. While creating class, gender, and ethnic distinctions
was discouraged on the face of the system, in reality divisions remained and
were exploited. Particularly gender distinctions, “socialist women had more
duties than rights.” While symbolic reforms were made and women placed in
decision-making positions, less change was established than
originally appeared. Women did enjoy many more perquisites than their Western
counterparts, such as paid maternity leave, nurseries, kindergartens and other
entitlements, yet within the labor market, regulatory fine print still
restricted, in the name of ‘protecting’, women from many career paths.
Eniko
Magyari-Vincze focuses on a specific aspect of female entitlements in
post-Communist Eastern Europe by analyzing the reproductive health of women in
Romania, particularly the Roma population. The author characterizes this issues
as a “small problem” but argues that it illustrates the much larger problem of
social exclusion of the female Roma population in modern Romania. Political and
ideological policies from the Communist-era have had a particularly lasting
impact on this segment of the population. The Roma population, women
especially, were heavily persecuted by the Communist government in Romania.
While not as rampant in modern times, it has created a Romanian society that is
inordinately anti-Roma and discriminatory towards their fellow Roma citizens.
This has resulted in a vastly unequal system that provides little reproductive
support for Roma women and has had a drastic impact on the Roma population as a
whole.
Mary
Buckley compares and contrasts efforts to curb human trafficking with efforts
to curb terrorism. She argues that unlike the war on terror, which many have
claimed serves a guise for US expansionism; a US led effort against trafficking
would garner worldwide support. Moreover, given the unique diplomatic and
economic resources that the US possesses, leadership from Washington will be
essential for the success of anti-trafficking efforts at the international
level. Lessons learned from over a decade of counter-terrorism should be
applied to counter trafficking initiatives. Particularly identifying the
fundamental source of the problem, understanding that the source is often
contextual, and designing appropriate policy that targets the source. Finally, policy
design cannot be effectively implemented unless the needed resources are
available. Therefore, the US should take the lead not only in creating
innovative solutions to human trafficking, but also in coordinating the needed financial,
logistical, and diplomatic resources.
Nadezda
Shvedova looks at the troubling state of gender rights in Russia, and makes a
similar argument to that of Sloat. Russia has made many symbolic gestures at
enhancing gender equality, Moscow has signed nearly all major international
agreements that promote women’s rights. However, reality resembles much of the rest of the world. Russian women are saddled with a disproportionate share of domestic
responsibilities, and face difficulties balancing family with their career.
This is made more difficult by lower salaries, less promotions, and undesirable
occupations. Key to bridging the gender gap is the interplay between political
equality and socioeconomic equality. More women need to gain political power in
order to enact the needed changes, yet societal demands that women take on most
of the familial responsibilities will continue to hinder the progress of Russian women
across both political and professional fronts.
Timur
Kocaoglu challenges the Western-held stereotype that women in Muslim Central
Asia are submissive and make little effort to improve their station. In
asserting their new identity and embracing Islam to a point, the societies of
Central Asia have challenged the Soviet ideology that emphasized gender
equality, and have maintained a patriarchal society that often places women in
subordinate roles. However, this should not be seen as an inevitable end-state.
Before the imposition of Soviet rule, there were several examples of attempts
at reform in Muslim Central Asia led by politically active women that focused
on bettering female education and encouraging progressive changes in societal expectations,
and it should not be considered an impossibility that similar action will emerge today.
Ayse
Gunes-Ayata and Ayca Ergun expand the discussion to both Central Asia and the Caucasus,
by looking at gender politics in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and
Uzbekistan. Across both regions, dealing with the incredible difficulties inherent
in transforming to a market economy and struggling with sluggish economic
growth has pushed gender reform to the background. Efforts to bring the issue
to the forefront are often ignored or brushed aside by giving economic policy primacy. Any reforms that are perceived as possibly economically jeopardizing,
such as gender equality in labor policy, are neglected and provide a useful
excuse for any segments of society that object to reforms. However, the more
urbanized and heterogeneous population in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have encouraged
progress and enhanced the role of women in their societies relative to
Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan.
Eleonora
Fayzullaeva looks at a key issue that Eurasia has faced since independence,
labor migration. Two levels of states have emerged in the region due to
differences in economic and political development, and historical experiences.
The first group struggles to provide adequate employment for its citizens, i.e.
Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, and offer a source of readily available cheap labor who
are desperate for income to send back to needy families. The second group consists
of the destination countries, whose economies are performing well enough to
encourage hiring labor from out of country to perform jobs that the native
populace is unwilling or unable to fulfill, i.e. Kazakhstan and Russia. The
migration of labor from source to destination countries creates unique
challenges for the entire region. The plight of migrating laborers often leads
them into exploitative situations that are particularly dangerous and harmful
for women. This is compounded by the inferior status of women across the
region, which pushes more women into situations that increase their
vulnerability.
Finally,
Zulaikho Usmanova focuses on gender identities in Tajikistan. As Gunes-Ayata
and Ergun observed, the status of women is significantly better in urban areas
where much larger segments of the population embrace more progressive gender
roles. Usmanova also points out that certain areas of Tajikistan impart special
status and authority on certain women. An example is Khujand, the regional
center of the Sughd region in northwest Tajikistan. Women designated as otunbachas there are highly respected within
their communities. They are vested with a variety of unique authorities, from
presiding over certain religious events to functioning as a counselor for
families in difficulty.
Each of
these authors bring out a different aspect of Eurasian gender politics that has
proved very valuable in enhancing my understanding of women in the region.
Building this understanding is crucial to analyzing human trafficking across
the region, given the increased vulnerability of Eurasian women to trafficking.
I would highly recommend this book to anyone wanting a comprehensive look at
the challenges women face in Eurasia today.
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