During this post, I would like to focus on Putin’s conception of civil society and how it relates to the application of the “foreign agent” law. While researching, I found an insightful policy memo recently published by PONARS Eurasia that advances arguments related to Putin’s speech at the meeting of the Valdai International Club and the most popular news stories covered in the print press.
Professor James Richter’s
memo entitled “Civil Society and the Second Putinshchina”
emphasized
Putin’s desires to foster a Russian identity through the construction of a civil
society that maintains Russia’s “‘national and spiritual identity.’” His argument reinforced President Putin’s
statements at the recent meeting of the Valdai International Club. Putin remarked:
“Local governments and self-regulated
citizens’ organizations serve as the best school for civic consciousness. Of
course, I’m referring to non-profits…A true civil society and a true,
nationally-focused political elite, including the opposition with its own
ideology, values and standards for good and evil – their own, rather than those
dictated by the media or from abroad – can only grow through effective
self-governing mechanisms. The government is prepared to trust
self-regulating and self-governing associations, but we must know whom we are
trusting. This is absolutely normal global practice, which is precisely why we
have passed new legislation to increase the transparency of nongovernmental
organizations.”
The speech reveals
Putin’s belief that a Russian-oriented political elite should work with trusted
Russian NGOs to promote civil involvement and growth. Recent activities surrounding the application
of the “foreign agent” attest to Putin’s strategy in the achievement of his
idea of civil society. This strategy
entails more restrictions and inspections of NGOs, little opposition to the NGO
bill from the Russian public, expanded government oversight through
appropriations, and increased collaboration with the Russian Orthodox Church.
First, the government shows no signs of easing the
enforcement of the “foreign agent law.” In mid-September, the parliamentary committee
for public unions and organizations recommended
the passage of a Russian bill which authorizes more unannounced checks on
NGOs. The bill will authorize inspections
of NGOs who have not addressed specific complaints against them in a timely
fashion. Another visible sign that the
government has no intention of relaxing its stance on NGOs occurred this past
Monday when the Ministry of Justice forced a regional
branch of Golos to close for three months because it did not register as a
foreign agent. The election monitoring organization has been plagued with
problems, including inspections and fines, since the passage of the foreign
agent law. In his memo, Professor
Richter argued that, thus far, the foreign agent law was “…designed more to intimidate
and harass than to punish.” While I
agree with his initial argument, I think that the recent closure of Golos
indicates that a shift is occurring in the law’s application; a shift from
intimidation to punishment. I predict
that observers will see more closures in the future.
The Russian government also appears to have gathered
more support for its enforcement of the foreign agent law. In the future, I believe this newly found
support will contribute to the Russian government’s ability to punish NGOs who
don’t adhere to the foreign agent law. In
a previous post,
I discussed the surprising results of a Levada Center poll which revealed that 53%
of Russian supported the government’s sanctioning of NGOs who violate the
foreign agent law. According to
officials, that number has risen. Sergei
Ivanov, the head of the Russian Presidential Administration stated
that roughly 80-90% of the population supports the NGO law.
This lack of support of NGOs is further complicated
by trends in Russian volunteerism. The Moscow News recently published
an article which cites statistics from Center for Studies of Civil Society and
the Nonprofit Sector (CSCSNS) at Russia's Higher School of Economics. According to CSCSNS, only 3% of Russians
engaged in volunteer activities with NGOs.
A Levada Center survey from last year reports that the percentage of
volunteers is actually 1%. The article cites several possible reasons for the
dearth of volunteers including public distrust of NGOs and overbearing local
and federal government bureaucracies. One
NGO organizer commented that “"Volunteer work, where one man wants to help
another, is the cornerstone [of civil society]…But we see how the government
destroys this public trust." Perceived American involvement in Russian
domestic affairs also challenges this trust.
According to Denis Volkov, a representative from the Levada Center,
“…the moment there's any [suspicion of] American funding, then that's it.” This creates an inherent dilemma—how do
Russians—who have statistically low levels of volunteerism—become interested in
building civil society through NGOS when they inherently distrust them and are
fearful of persecution?
Over the past two weeks, there has also been more
evidence to suggest that Russian government is finding creative ways to weaken
foreign influence in Russian civil society.
The most widely reported
story in the Russian print press related to NGOs was the government’s decision to
expand the definition of “socially oriented NGOs” to include private drug
rehabilitation centers in Russia. Professor
Richter’s memo
details the history of the “social oriented NGOs” program noting that it they
began in 2010 under the presidency of Medvedev to provide “…direct financial
support for individual NGOs and substantial subsidies to regional governments
to provide logistical support and some financial support to local
organizations.” Prior
to September 25, 2013, the government did not provide any financial support to
private rehabilitation centers—many of which have religious affiliations. According to the
Russian government, there are nearly 8.5 million drug users in the country,
but only 25,000 of these users are receiving rehabilitation services. The
government states that it is trying to reach more addicts through the extension
of federal support, but some observers working in NGOs claim that the
government is trying to reduce foreign influences, especially those of protestant
denominations who have traditionally taken a more active role in Russia’s
rehabilitation sector. The liberal-oriented
newspaper, Novye izvestiya, reported that “…experts surmise that
NGOs loyal to the government or the Russian Orthodox Church who has been
opening rehabilitation centers will receive the funds.” This development supports one of Professor Richter’s
observations
that President Putin has been working with the Orthodox Church to construct his
ideal civil society. Richter noted that
President Putin has publically urged Orthodox leaders to become more involved
in society, and that Orthodox organizations did not experience the surprise
inspections that their Muslim, Catholic, and Protestant denominations
experienced last spring.
Journalists and NGO leaders aren’t the only ones
concerned with the government’s additional funding of NGOs. Former Ministry of Finance, Aleksei Kudrin, warned that limiting NGOs
solely to government funding will nationalize civil society and may contribute
to the politicization of NGOs. He stated: “I am absolutely positive about the idea of
allocating state grants to non-government organizations…But these funds should
be complementary to what is done by businessmen. If financing is completely
from the government funds, it will mean that these organizations would be
dependent.” In order to combat the
complete dependency of NGOs to the government, his think tank, the Committee of
Civil Initiatives, intends to award 200,000 rubles to the country’s best
NGO. His organization is also helping NGO leaders and the Presidential
Human Rights Council to better define the terms “political activities” and
“foreign agent” in the current version of the law.
It appears that Putin’s
ideal civil society is on the road to becoming a reality in Russia. This reality is supported by more restrictive
measures placed on NGOs, minority opposition to these restrictions, low levels of
social engagement, more government appropriations to NGOS, and increased
collaboration with traditional Russian institutions. Whether Kudrin’s initiatives fits Putin’s
calls for a “nationally-focused political elite” to build civil society will be
determined in the future as challenges to the law’s wording remain unresolved. It also remains to be seen how organizations
opposed to the foreign agent law, such as Golos, will be welcomed into civil
society (as Putin said they would be), if they are punished for their acts of
opposition.
Sources
“90% of Russians Support NGO Law – Official.” Russian Legal Information Agency. September 28, 2013. http://rapsinews.com/legislation_news/20130918/268871269.html
Arutunyan,
Anna. Russian Volunteerism: An Uphill
Battle. The Moscow News. September
26, 2013. http://themoscownews.com/russia/20130926/191945280/Russian-volunteerism-An-uphill-battle.html
Bulanova,
Nadezhda. “Kolkii vzgliad.” Novye
izvestiya. September 18, 2013. http://www.newizv.ru/society/2013-09-18/189150-kolkij-vzgljad.html
Gritsok,
Marina. “Tsentram reabilitatsii
narkozavisimykh pomozhet federal’nyi biudzhet.”
Rossiiskaya gazeta. September 17, 2013. http://www.rg.ru/2013/09/17/narkocentri-site-anons.html
Gorodetskaya, Natalia. “Inostannym agentam utochili zadanie” Kommersant. September 17, 2013. http://www.kommersant.ru/doc/2280786
“Kurdin vystupil protiv ogosydarstvleniia NKO I preduprdil o vozmozhnosti
ikh politizatsii” ITAR-TASS. September 26, 2013. http://www.itar-tass.com/c95/891987.html
“Meeting
of the Valdai International Discussion Club” Russian Presidential Executive
Office. September 19, 2013. http://eng.kremlin.ru/transcripts/6007
“Negosudarstvennye
reabilitatsionnye tsentry dlia narkozavisimykh vkliucheny v chislo prioritetov podderzhki
sotsial’no orientirovannykh NKO” Nezavisimaya gazeta. September 17, 2013. http://www.ng.ru/news/443442.html
“NKO
‘Golos’ zakryli na tri mesiatsa”
Interfax. September 30, 2013. http://www.interfax.ru/russia/txt.asp?id=331856
“Postanovlenie Pravitel’stva Rossiiskoi
Federatsii ot 12 sentiabria 2013 g. n 801g. Moskva. Rossiiskaya
gazeta. September 18, 2013. http://www.rg.ru/2013/09/18/nark-nko-site-dok.html.
Richter, James. “Civil Society and the
Second Putinshchina” PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 276. September 2013. http://www.ponarseurasia.org/memo/civil-society-and-second-putinshchina
“Russia’s Committee of Civil Initiatives
to Award 200,000-Ruble Prize to Best NGO.”
ITAR-TASS. September 26,
2013. http://www.itar-tass.com/en/c154/892445_print.html
“Russian Parliamentary Committee Approves NGO Snap-Check Bill” RIA Novosti. September
18, 2013. http://en.rian.ru/russia/20130918/183569581/Russian-Parliamentary-Committee-Approves-NGO-Snap-Check-Bill.html
“Russian Parliamentary Committee Approves NGO Snap-Check Bill” RIA Novosti. September
18, 2013. http://en.rian.ru/russia/20130918/183569581/Russian-Parliamentary-Committee-Approves-NGO-Snap-Check-Bill.html
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